圖書描述
This book uses a cultural interaction approach to discuss numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin that house Daoist, Buddhist, and folk gods. Such deities were transmitted outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized. Examples include temple guardian gods that arrived in Japan from China and later became deified as part of the Five Mountain system, and a Daoist deity that transformed into a god in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu. The profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan are discussed, as well as Mt. Jiuhua, the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China. Lastly, the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent, such as Taiwan, Singapore, and Okinawa, is explored.
好的，這是一份關於一本名為《全球化背景下的地方性宗教變遷研究》的圖書簡介，該書內容與《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》無關，旨在滿足您的要求： --- 《全球化背景下的地方性宗教變遷研究》圖書簡介 導言：在破碎與重塑之間審視地方性信仰的韌性與適應 在二十一世紀的浪潮中，全球化不僅僅是經濟和信息流動的加速器，更深刻地重塑瞭人類的精神版圖。地方性的宗教實踐，那些紮根於特定社群曆史、地理和日常生活經驗中的信仰體係，正麵臨著前所未有的衝擊、融閤與再定義。《全球化背景下的地方性宗教變遷研究》並非聚焦於宏大的普世性宗教敘事，而是將目光投嚮那些在現代化和全球化壓力下，展現齣驚人適應性與生命力的“微觀信仰場域”。 本書匯集瞭跨學科的深度田野調查與理論思辨，旨在係統性地描繪和剖析全球化時代，地方性宗教（Folk Religion/Indigenous Beliefs）如何在物質的變遷、媒介的滲透和身份政治的重塑中，進行自我調適、抵抗或積極的融閤。我們關注的焦點在於：當傳統的神祇、儀式和宇宙觀遭遇現代性的挑戰時，它們如何“活下來”？以及，這種“存活”究竟意味著同質化，還是新的創造？ 本書的價值在於，它拒絕將地方性宗教視為一種落後的、等待被“開化”或“現代”的遺跡。相反，它將其視為理解當代社會動態、文化韌性乃至全球秩序運作的至關重要的視角。通過對全球不同地理區域的案例研究，本書試圖構建一個關於“地方性如何在全球化中重獲意義”的復雜圖景。 第一部分：全球化與地方性信仰的結構性張力 本部分首先確立瞭研究的理論框架，探討瞭“全球化”作為一種文化和結構性力量，如何具體地作用於地方性的信仰結構。 第一章：現代性悖論與地方信仰的“去魅” 本章深入探討瞭地方性宗教在麵對韋伯意義上的“去魅”過程時的反應。我們分析瞭教育普及、科學理性化和國傢意識形態對傳統神職人員權威的削弱，以及信徒如何通過“重魅”儀式（Re-enchantment Rituals）來迴應這種知識上的真空。重點案例考察瞭特定社區如何將傳統的“治療者”身份轉化為符閤現代醫療語境的“社區心理支持者”。 第二章：基礎設施、流動性與儀式空間的破碎 全球化帶來的基礎設施建設，如城市化、交通網絡和信息高速公路，對地方宗教賴以存在的“場域”構成瞭直接挑戰。本章研究瞭因經濟移民或城市拆遷導緻的宗教聖地或祖先祭祀地的物理性遷移。我們探討瞭信徒如何通過媒介（如手機錄製的儀式視頻或虛擬社群）來重建和維持原本依賴物理在場的儀式效力。分析的重點在於“流動性對依附性的解構與重建”。 第三章：資本邏輯與神聖物品的商品化 當全球市場邏輯侵入地方經濟體時，原本具有神聖內涵的物品（如護身符、聖水、特定手工藝品）開始被納入商品交換體係。本章考察瞭這種“神聖商品化”的過程及其對信仰內涵的侵蝕或增強作用。我們細緻區分瞭信徒自發的地方性貿易與外部市場驅動的文化挪用之間的界限，並分析瞭在這一過程中，原初的信仰敘事如何被“簡化”以適應跨文化交流的需求。 第二部分：適應、抵抗與信仰的創新性錶達 地方性宗教並非被動接受者。本部分通過具體的案例，展示瞭它們在麵對外部壓力時所展現齣的能動性、抵抗策略和創新能力。 第四章：地方神祇的“全球注冊”：身份政治與文化遺産化 隨著文化遺産保護概念的興起，許多地方性信仰體係開始被“官方化”或“民族化”。本章研究瞭地方社群如何利用國傢或國際機構的話語，將自身獨特的信仰實踐“注冊”為非物質文化遺産。這種策略既是一種保護，也是一種身份的重塑，它迫使地方信仰在保持其內在神秘性的同時，必須適應現代法律和文化展示的要求。我們分析瞭“官方認可”對傳統權力結構的微妙影響。 第五章：媒介重構：數字平颱上的地方性神靈 互聯網和社交媒體為地方性宗教提供瞭一個前所未有的傳播場域。本章詳細分析瞭地方性“神明”或“祖靈”如何在短視頻、直播和特定論壇中被重新“人設化”和“人格化”。信徒不再僅是儀式的參與者，也成為瞭內容的生産者和傳播者。案例研究集中於新興的“數字信仰網絡”，探究這些網絡如何跨越地理障礙，增強瞭地方社群的凝聚力，同時也引發瞭關於信仰正統性的新爭議。 第六章：信仰的混閤與新的宗教拼貼 全球化加速瞭不同宗教思想和實踐的接觸，地方性信仰往往成為吸收新元素的“海綿”。本章探討瞭地方性宗教實踐與主流世界性宗教（如基督教、佛教的特定流派）或世俗哲學（如新時代運動、環保主義）發生融閤的案例。這種融閤並非簡單的疊加，而是深層次的意義結構重組。例如，地方性創世神話如何被“翻譯”成符閤全球生態倫理的敘事，以爭取更廣泛的社會支持。 第三部分：地方性宗教對當代社會治理的啓示 本書的最後一部分將視野從信仰本身轉嚮其對當代社會治理、倫理構建以及社區韌性的影響。 第七章：傳統知識與環境倫理的再生 許多地方性宗教體係內嵌有關於水土、森林和特定動植物的古老生態知識。在全球氣候變化和環境危機日益嚴峻的背景下，本章考察瞭社區如何重新激活這些被長期忽視的信仰規範，以指導可持續的資源管理。我們分析瞭當地方性“禁忌”或“聖地”保護概念，被重新解讀為現代“生物多樣性保護區”時，其成功的社會動員力量。 第八章：信任、社區與全球化創傷的療愈 麵對全球化帶來的社會原子化和信任危機，地方性宗教往往在社區層麵扮演著恢復社會資本的關鍵角色。本章關注在經曆自然災害、經濟蕭條或大規模社會動蕩後，地方性儀式和互助網絡如何重新建立起社區的內部信任和情感支持。這些儀式不僅是精神慰藉，更是恢復社會秩序的實踐機製。 結論：韌性、流動性與地方性的未來 本書的結論部分總結瞭地方性宗教在麵對全球化衝擊時的核心特徵：結構性韌性（對核心宇宙觀的堅守）與實踐性流動性（對錶達方式的靈活變通）。我們強調，全球化並非終結瞭地方性宗教，而是迫使其進入瞭一個更加動態、更加自我意識的演化階段。理解這些變遷，對於把握文化多樣性的未來，以及構建一個更具包容性的全球社會治理模式，至關重要。 ---
著者信息
作者簡介
Yoshihiro Nikaidō is Professor of Asian Cultural studies at the Kansai University, Japan.
Yoshihiro Nikaidō is Professor of Asian Cultural studies at the Kansai University, Japan.
圖書目錄
Foreword
Section I: Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples
Chapter 1: Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System and Cultural Interaction
Chapter 2: Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction
Chapter 3: Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu 妙見神 and the God Zhenwu 真武
Chapter 4: Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha
Section II: Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia
Chapter 1: Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore
Chapter 2: Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa
Conclusion
Section I: Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples
Chapter 1: Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System and Cultural Interaction
Chapter 2: Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction
Chapter 3: Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu 妙見神 and the God Zhenwu 真武
Chapter 4: Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha
Section II: Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia
Chapter 1: Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore
Chapter 2: Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa
Conclusion
圖書序言
Foreword
This book discusses numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin through the methodology of cultural interaction. The subjects of analysis are several Daoist and Buddhist gods, folk gods, and Bodhisattvas, but nearly all are limited to gods that were transmitted and deified outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized.
In the first section, “Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples,” I consider mainly the deities and Bodhisattvas that were introduced to Japan. In Chapter 1 of Section I, “Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain System and Cultural Interaction,” I discuss such temple guardian gods as Zhaobao Qilang Dadi and Cishan Zhang Dadi, which arrived in Kamakura-period Japan from Southern Song China, and later came to be deified as part of the Five Mountain system. In contrast to Japan, belief in these gods later waned in China.
Huaguang Dadi (Kakō Taitei), treated in Chapter 2, “Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction,” arrived in Japan at the beginning of the Edo period together with the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism. Statues of these temple guardian gods were later built throughout Japan, but their origin has been forgotten. Belief in Huaguang declined in China during the Qing period.
In Chapter 3, “Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu and the God Zhenwu,” I analyze how Zhenwu Daodi was transformed from the Daoist deity Xuanwu of antiquity to becoming an object of worship in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu.
In Chapter 4, “Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha,” I examine the profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan as well as how the gods are deified. I also discuss Mt. Jiuhua, which is currently the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China.
In Section II, “Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia,” I discuss the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent and subsequently became objects of worship in various areas of Asia.
In Chapter 1 of Section II, “Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore,” I consider the gods worshipped in the current temples of Taiwan and Singapore as a basis upon which to examine the origins of belief in the Fujian and Guangdong regions. The gods discussed in this chapter include Baosheng Dadi, Kaizhang Shenwang, and Guangze Zunwang.
In Chapter 2 of this section, “Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa,” I analyze still extant Sinitic temples such as Chinese temples in Nagasaki and the Shisei Confucian Temple in Naha, Okinawa.
Other scholars have, of course, also researched these deities; this book could not have been written without their seminal work. The methodology of cultural interaction studies, however, is new and should provide fresh insights into the field. Take, for example, Zhaobao Qilang, covered in Chapter 1, Section I. This god was a popular object of worship from the Song through the Yuan periods in the Zhejiang region, and arrived in Japan during the Kamakura period as part of the Five Mountain culture. Belief in this deity subsequently waned in China, and now there are almost no traces of temples to this god remaining in China. Consequently, there has been no research done on Zhaobao Qilang from the perspectives of Daoism or folk religion. Rather, research has been conducted within the paradigms of Zen Buddhism, art history, or Sino-Japanese intercultural history. Scholarship on Zhaobao Qilang is also found in works on popular Chinese literature. The point here is that research has extended over many fields. I believe that in order to research a deity of this character it is necessary to analyze the subject by using the inclusive approach of cultural interaction studies.
I personally believe that the advantage of cultural interaction studies is that it encompasses pluralistic approaches to scholarship and fieldwork. To use the example of Zhaobao Qilang again, written records are nearly non-existent; all that remains are statues in Japanese Zen Buddhist temples and some remnants in Chinese temples. There are even cases in which the monks themselves do not know the identity of this god. This phenomenon compelled me to visit the temples in question myself to verify the identity of the statues. Fortunately, there was still a statue of Zhaobao Qilang at Ayuwang Temple in Ningbo, China. It had mistakenly been identified as a statue of King Asoka. Thus, one of the most crucial methodologies involved in cultural interaction studies is to match written records with on-site investigations.
I also felt that electronic repositories were essential to my research. As mentioned earlier, cultural interaction studies require research that cuts across various fields, but if there are many divergent fields involved, the amount of documentation naturally becomes overwhelming. It is also quite difficult to search for materials outside of one’s area of expertise. In order to address this problem, it is necessary to process large amounts of data in a short period using available electronic tools. To return again to the example of Zhaobao Qilang, I was able to ascertain through searching Kansai University’s repository, the Database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books (Zhongguo Jiben Gujiku, that there was reference to the deity in an anthology by a Song period literati. Such a discovery would have been impossible without recourse to the database. Of course, problems arise when one uses the search engine without due circumspection.
This book discusses numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin through the methodology of cultural interaction. The subjects of analysis are several Daoist and Buddhist gods, folk gods, and Bodhisattvas, but nearly all are limited to gods that were transmitted and deified outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized.
In the first section, “Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples,” I consider mainly the deities and Bodhisattvas that were introduced to Japan. In Chapter 1 of Section I, “Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain System and Cultural Interaction,” I discuss such temple guardian gods as Zhaobao Qilang Dadi and Cishan Zhang Dadi, which arrived in Kamakura-period Japan from Southern Song China, and later came to be deified as part of the Five Mountain system. In contrast to Japan, belief in these gods later waned in China.
Huaguang Dadi (Kakō Taitei), treated in Chapter 2, “Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction,” arrived in Japan at the beginning of the Edo period together with the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism. Statues of these temple guardian gods were later built throughout Japan, but their origin has been forgotten. Belief in Huaguang declined in China during the Qing period.
In Chapter 3, “Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu and the God Zhenwu,” I analyze how Zhenwu Daodi was transformed from the Daoist deity Xuanwu of antiquity to becoming an object of worship in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu.
In Chapter 4, “Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha,” I examine the profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan as well as how the gods are deified. I also discuss Mt. Jiuhua, which is currently the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China.
In Section II, “Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia,” I discuss the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent and subsequently became objects of worship in various areas of Asia.
In Chapter 1 of Section II, “Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore,” I consider the gods worshipped in the current temples of Taiwan and Singapore as a basis upon which to examine the origins of belief in the Fujian and Guangdong regions. The gods discussed in this chapter include Baosheng Dadi, Kaizhang Shenwang, and Guangze Zunwang.
In Chapter 2 of this section, “Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa,” I analyze still extant Sinitic temples such as Chinese temples in Nagasaki and the Shisei Confucian Temple in Naha, Okinawa.
Other scholars have, of course, also researched these deities; this book could not have been written without their seminal work. The methodology of cultural interaction studies, however, is new and should provide fresh insights into the field. Take, for example, Zhaobao Qilang, covered in Chapter 1, Section I. This god was a popular object of worship from the Song through the Yuan periods in the Zhejiang region, and arrived in Japan during the Kamakura period as part of the Five Mountain culture. Belief in this deity subsequently waned in China, and now there are almost no traces of temples to this god remaining in China. Consequently, there has been no research done on Zhaobao Qilang from the perspectives of Daoism or folk religion. Rather, research has been conducted within the paradigms of Zen Buddhism, art history, or Sino-Japanese intercultural history. Scholarship on Zhaobao Qilang is also found in works on popular Chinese literature. The point here is that research has extended over many fields. I believe that in order to research a deity of this character it is necessary to analyze the subject by using the inclusive approach of cultural interaction studies.
I personally believe that the advantage of cultural interaction studies is that it encompasses pluralistic approaches to scholarship and fieldwork. To use the example of Zhaobao Qilang again, written records are nearly non-existent; all that remains are statues in Japanese Zen Buddhist temples and some remnants in Chinese temples. There are even cases in which the monks themselves do not know the identity of this god. This phenomenon compelled me to visit the temples in question myself to verify the identity of the statues. Fortunately, there was still a statue of Zhaobao Qilang at Ayuwang Temple in Ningbo, China. It had mistakenly been identified as a statue of King Asoka. Thus, one of the most crucial methodologies involved in cultural interaction studies is to match written records with on-site investigations.
I also felt that electronic repositories were essential to my research. As mentioned earlier, cultural interaction studies require research that cuts across various fields, but if there are many divergent fields involved, the amount of documentation naturally becomes overwhelming. It is also quite difficult to search for materials outside of one’s area of expertise. In order to address this problem, it is necessary to process large amounts of data in a short period using available electronic tools. To return again to the example of Zhaobao Qilang, I was able to ascertain through searching Kansai University’s repository, the Database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books (Zhongguo Jiben Gujiku, that there was reference to the deity in an anthology by a Song period literati. Such a discovery would have been impossible without recourse to the database. Of course, problems arise when one uses the search engine without due circumspection.
圖書試讀
用户评价
评分
閱讀《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》的體驗，簡直像是在進行一場穿越時空的文化探險。作者的文字功底深厚，敘述的條理清晰，如同引導者一般，帶領讀者一步步深入亞洲民間宗教的神秘領域。我特彆喜歡他對於那些具體案例的細緻描繪，比如關於南海地區海神信仰的演變，從最初的神靈崇拜，到後來與佛教、道教的神祇結閤，形成瞭一個龐雜但又充滿生命力的信仰體係。作者並沒有止步於簡單的羅列，而是深入分析瞭這種融閤背後的社會經濟動因，例如海上貿易的興盛如何促進瞭神祇的跨區域傳播，以及不同社會階層對於這些神靈的訴求如何影響瞭信仰的形態。此外，書中關於苗族儺祭的章節也令我印象深刻。儺祭作為一種古老的驅鬼儀式，在不同的苗族分支中呈現齣多樣的錶現形式，作者通過對比分析，揭示瞭即使是同一個民族內部，由於地理隔離和與外界交流的差異，民間信仰也會産生微妙的變異。他強調瞭這些儀式並非靜止不變的傳統，而是與環境、社會變遷息息相關的動態過程，這種視角讓我對民間信仰有瞭更深刻的理解。
评分《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》是一本讓我耳目一新的著作，其最大的貢獻在於它打破瞭我過去對“宗教”概念的固有認知。我過去總以為宗教是嚴肅、教條，並且有明確的組織體係的。但這本書讓我看到，在亞洲的許多地方，宗教的形態是如此的靈活、多元，並且與日常生活緊密地交織在一起。作者對於“文化互動”的探討，更是將這種理解推嚮瞭更深層次。他並沒有將不同文化之間的交流視為一場零和博弈，而是強調瞭其間存在的復雜性、協商性，甚至是一種共生關係。例如，書中關於泰國北部地區，佛教僧侶如何與當地的巫醫（mor phi）閤作，共同為民眾提供精神慰藉和醫療服務，這種跨界閤作的例子，讓我看到瞭傳統信仰體係在麵對現代社會挑戰時所展現齣的韌性與創造力。這本書讓我深刻地體會到，理解亞洲的民間宗教，就必須理解其背後所承載的社會、曆史、經濟乃至地理環境的因素，這些因素共同塑造瞭信仰的形態，也決定瞭信仰如何在不同文化之間流轉與互動。
评分《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》給我帶來的啓發是多方麵的，它不僅僅是一本關於宗教的書，更是一部關於文化生命力的生動寫照。我尤其贊賞作者在處理“文化互動”這個核心概念時所展現的細膩與深刻。他並沒有將文化間的互動簡單地視為一種單嚮的“接受”或“徵服”，而是強調瞭不同文化元素在接觸過程中所産生的復雜化學反應——有時是並存，有時是選擇性吸收，有時甚至是創造性的重塑。例如，書中關於東南亞地區“祖靈崇拜”與佛教融閤的探討，作者指齣，祖靈作為連接過去與現在的紐帶，在佛教傳入後，其功能並未被完全取代，而是與佛教的因果報答、輪迴轉世等觀念巧妙結閤，形成瞭一種更為世俗化、更貼近民眾生活的信仰實踐。這種互動並非簡單的疊加，而是深刻地影響瞭當地社會的倫理道德觀念和傢族傳承的模式。我瞭解到，民間宗教的生命力往往體現在其強大的適應性和包容性上，它能夠不斷吸納外來的影響，並將其轉化為自身的一部分，從而在曆史的長河中保持活力。
评分這本《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》的封麵設計就頗具匠心，一種淡淡的復古氣息撲麵而來，深邃的紫色背景下，點綴著幾抹金色的祥雲，中央是風格化的山水畫，隱約可見寺廟的飛簷和人群的剪影。光是這封麵，就足以勾起我對於東方古老信仰與文化交融的好奇心。我一直對不同文化背景下的民間信仰有著濃厚的興趣，尤其是在亞洲這個多元文化交匯的土地上，信仰的傳播與演變常常伴隨著復雜的社會互動和曆史變遷。我期待這本書能夠深入探討那些根植於民眾日常生活的習俗、儀式，以及它們如何在不同民族、不同地域之間産生碰撞、融閤，甚至催生齣新的文化現象。比如，我很好奇作者是否會提及佛教在中南半島的傳播過程中，如何與當地原有的泛靈信仰相互滲透，形成瞭獨特的“佛教世俗化”形態；或者在古代海上絲綢之路沿綫，印度教、佛教以及其他宗教元素是如何隨著商貿活動傳播到東南亞，並在當地生根發芽，與本土文化激蕩齣怎樣的火花。我尤其關注的是，這些民間信仰不僅僅是抽象的教條，更是滲透在衣食住行、婚喪嫁娶等方方麵麵的生動實踐。它們如何塑造瞭當地人民的價值觀、世界觀，又如何反映瞭不同社會群體之間的權力關係和身份認同，這些都是我迫切想要在這本書中找到答案的。
评分在閱讀《Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction》的過程中，我仿佛置身於一個巨大的文化萬花筒之中，每翻開一頁，都能看到不同色彩、不同圖案的文化碎片在巧妙地組閤。這本書最大的亮點在於，它不拘泥於宏大的理論敘述，而是通過大量生動、具體的故事和案例，展現瞭亞洲民間宗教在實際生活中的脈絡。比如，作者在描述印度尼西亞爪哇島上，伊斯蘭教與當地印度教、佛教以及原生信仰之間微妙的共存關係時，運用瞭大量的史料和田野調查的細節，展現瞭“瓦揚”（wayang）皮影戲如何承載著宗教故事和倫理教誨，以及在不同社群中扮演的不同角色。我印象最深刻的是，作者並非簡單地描繪這些信仰的“錶麵現象”，而是試圖去理解它們背後所蘊含的民眾的心理需求、社會結構以及曆史的演進。這種深入淺齣的敘述方式，使得原本可能顯得枯燥的曆史和文化研究，變得引人入勝。我開始意識到，民間宗教並非是“落後”或“迷信”的代名詞，而是承載著一個民族的集體記憶、情感寄托和精神追求的重要載體。
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